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New Delhi, Oct 29 (IANS) Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Tejashwi Yadav often raises the “outsider” issue, which is similar to his national ally Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee’s “Bohiragata” rhetoric, where both the words translated in English mean “outsiders”.
Although emerging from different states, political cultures and histories, both uses share strategic similarities, different intentions and comparable risks to democratic debate and social cohesion.
For both leaders, any institution that is not supported by them and has the potential to upset their applecart in the respective playing fields is an outsider.
Tejashwi’s reiteration of the “Bihari vs outsider” slogan is linked to his efforts to counter the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) narrative in Bihar. Particularly, when national leaders campaign in the state and their critics attempt to revive memories of past misgovernance with the “jungle raj” associated with their party’s legacy.
He has publicly positioned himself as a proud local, confronting what he sees as an outside political force trying to dominate Bihar’s affairs.
For Mamata, there was a time when Congress leader Rahul Gandhi was also in the “outsider” category, when she termed him a seasonal bird flying to her state only to seek votes. She keeps giving the same classification for BJP leaders also.
Meanwhile, his critics accused him of hiding the fact that Trinamool itself has three Members of Parliament who could equally be considered to be from outside West Bengal.
However, according to the Representation of the People Act, 1951, any elector for a parliamentary constituency in India is eligible to be elected to represent any state or union territory or a specific seat, with a few exceptions for places like Assam, Lakshadweep and Sikkim.
For state legislatures, the rules specify the persons eligible for election as electors in the state, with some additional specifications for certain parts of the country. Thus, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi represent constituencies other than their respective “home states”.
The purpose of rhetoric is therefore specifically to construct a political narrative and guide public perception. Mamata’s “outsider” classification against central BJP leaders has also been criticized by the BJP’s state unit as has her reaction to policies like the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and the National Register of Citizens.
The BJP, which has emerged as the main opposition party in West Bengal, alleges that the steps taken against genuine outsiders are being targeted by the Chief Minister as it may affect his vote bank.
But the Trinamool leadership considers such steps a threat to the cultural and political autonomy of the state. The situation of other anti-BJP political parties in the state has also been similar.
Meanwhile, Tejashwi’s rhetoric may have evolved from his resistance to the Election Commission’s special intensive review (SIR) in Bihar. Although there are still specific issues to be raised after the process is completed, he continues to repeat the “Bahari” narrative.
With SIR implemented in West Bengal and elections due in the state next year, the “Bohiragata” rhetoric is likely to increase.
The leaders that Tejashwi and Mamata are referring to in their rhetoric are part of the party that is leading the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government at the Centre, which has been elected by the voters of the country with a majority.
And, in Bihar and West Bengal, the NDA got around 45.5 per cent vote share in the former state, and the BJP got 38.7 per cent votes in the latter in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.
Some analysts view the regional rhetoric as an attempt to shift attention away from performance records to existential stakes, thereby creating a mobilization advantage during heated campaign periods.
–IANS
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